medallion, by Albert Bruce Joy, was placed near the grave
of Newton, and adjoining the memorials of Darwin and of
Joule. His bust, by the same sculptor, stands opposite
that of Sir John Herschel in the hall of St John's College,
Cambridge. Herkomer's portrait is in Pembroke College; and
Mogford's, painted in 1851, is in the combination room of St
John's. Another bust, taken in his youth, belongs to
the Royal Astronomical Society. A memorial tablet, with
an inscription by Archbishop Benson, is placed in the
Cathedral at Truro; and Mr Passmore Edwards erected a public
institute in his honour at Launceston, near his birthplace.
The Scientific Papers of John Couch Adams, 4to, vol. i.
(1896), and vol. ii. (1900), edited by William Grylls
Adams and Ralph Allen Sampson, with a memoir by Dr J. W. L.
Glaisher, were published by the Cambridge University Press.
The first volume contains his previously published writings;
the second those left in manuscript, including the substance
of his lectures on the Lunar Theory. A collection, virtually
complete, of Adams's papers regarding the discovery of
Neptune was presented by Mrs Adams to the library of St John's
College. A description of them by Professor Sampson was
inserted in the Memoirs of the Royal Astronomical Society
(vol. liv. p. 143). Consult: Month. Notices Roy. Astr.
Soc., liii. 184; Observatory, xv. 174; Nature, xxxiv.
565, xlv. 301; Astr. Journal, No. 254; R. Grant, Hist. of
Physical Astronomy, p. 168; Edinburgh Review, No. 381, p. 72.
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY (1767-1848), eldest son of President
John Adams, sixth president of the United States, was born
on the 11th of July 1767, in that part of Braintree that is
now Quincy, Massachusetts, and was named after John Quincy
(1689--1767), his mother's grandfather, who was for many
years a prominent member of the Massachusetts legislature.
In 1778, and again in 1780, young Adams accompanied his
father to Europe; studying in Paris in 1778-1779 and at the
university of Leiden in 1780. In 1780, also, he began to
keep that diary which forms so conspicuous a record of the
doings of himself and his contemporaries. In 1781, at the
age of fourteen, he accompanied Francis Dana (1743-1811),
American envoy to Russia, as his private secretary; but Dana
was not received by the Russian government, and in 1782 Adams
joined his father at Paris, where he acted as ``additional
secretary'' to the American commissioners in the negotiation
of the treaty of peace which concluded the War of American
Independence. Instead of accompanying his father to London,
he, of his own choice, returned to Massachusetts, graduated
at Harvard College in 1787, three years later was admitted
to practise at the bar and at once opened an office in
Boston. A series of papers written by him in which he
controverted some of Thomas Paine's doctrines in the Rights
of Man, and later another series in which he ably supported
the neutral policy of the administration toward France and
England, led to his appointment by Wnshington as minister to
the Netherlands in May 1794. There was little for him to do
at the Hague, but in the absence of a minister at London, he
transacted certain public business with the English foreign
secretary. In 1796 Washington appointed him minister to
Portugal, but before his departure thither his father John
Adams became president and changed his destination to Berlin
(1797). While there, he negotiated (1799) a treaty of amity
and commerce with Prussia. On Thomas Jefferson's election
to the presidency in 1800, the elder Adams recalled his
son, who returned home in 1801. The next year, he was
elected to the Massachusetts senate, and in 1803 was sent to
Washington as a member of the Senate of the United States.
Up to this time, John Quincy Adams was regarded as belonging
to the Federalist party, but he now found its general policy
displeasing to him, was frowned upon, as the son of his
father, by the followers of Alexander Hamilton, and found
himself nearly powerless as an unpopular member of an unpopular
minority. He was not now, and indeed never was, a strict party
man. On the first important question that came before him
in the Senate, the acquisition of Louisiana, he voted with
the Republicans, regardless of the opposition of his own
section. In December 1807 he warmly seconded Jefferson's
suggestion of an embargo and vigorously urged instant action,
saying: ``The president has recommended the measure on his high
responsibility. I would not consider, I would not deliberate;
I would act!'' Within five hours the Senate had passed the
Embargo Bill and sent it to the House. The support of a
measure so unpopular in New England caused him to be hated by
the Federalists there and cost him his seat in the Senate; his
successor was chosen on the 3rd of June 1808, several months
before the usual time of filling the vacancy, and five days later
Adams resigned. In the same year he attended the Republican
congressional caucus which nominated Madison for the presidency,
and thus definitely joined the Republicans. From 1806 to
1809 Adams was professor of rhetoric and oratory at Harvard.
In 1809 President Madison sent Adams to Russia to represent the
United States. He arrived at St Petersburg at the psychological
moment when the tsar had made up his mind to break with
Napoleon. Adams therefore met with a favourable reception and
a disposition to further the interests of American commerce
in every possible way. On the outbreak of the war between
the United States and England in 1812, he was still at St
Petersburg. In September of that year, the Russian government
suggested that the tsar was willing to act as mediator between
the two belligerents. Madison precipitately accepted this
proposition and sent Albert Gallatin and James Bayard to act
as commissioners with Mr Adams; but England would have nothing
to do with it. In August 1814, however, these gentlemen,
with Henry Clay and Jonathan Russell, began negotiations
with English commissioners which resulted in the signature
of the treaty of Ghent on the 24th of December of that
year. After this Adams visited Paris, where he witnessed the
return of Napoleon from Elba, and then went to London, where,
with Henry Clay and Albert Gallatin, he negotiated (1815)
a ``Convention to Regulate Commerce and Navigation.'' Soon
afterwards he became U.S. minister to Great Britain, as his
father had been before him, and as his son, Charles Francis
Adams, was after him. After accomplishing little in London,
he returned to the United States in the summer of 1817 to
become secretary of state in the cabinet of President Monroe.
As secretary of state, Adams played the leading part in
two most important episodes--the acquisition of Florida
and the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine. Ever since
the acquisition of Louisiana successive administrations
had sought to include a part at least of Florida in that
purchase. In 1819, after long negotiations, Adams succeeded
in bringing the Spanish minister to the point of signing
a treaty in which the Spaniards abandoned all claims to
territory east of the Mississippi, and the United States
relinquished all claim to what is now known as Texas. Before
the Spanish government ratified the treaty in 1820, Mexico,
including Texas, had thrown off allegiance to the mother
country, and the United States had occupied Florida by force of
arms. The Monroe Doctrine (q.v.) rightly bears the name of
the president who in 1823 assumed the responsibility for its
promulgation; but it was primarily the work of John Quincy
Adams. The eight years of Monroe's presidency (1817-1825)
are known as the ``Era of Good Feeling.'' As his second term
drew to a close, there was a great lack of good feeling among
his official advisers, three of whom--Adams, secretary of
state, Calhoun, secretary of war, and Crawford, secretary of
the treasury--aspired to succeed him in his high office. In
addition, Henry Clay and Andrew Jackson were also candidates.
Calhoun was nominated for the Vice-presidency. Of the other
four, Jackson received 99 electoral votes, Adams 84, Crawford
41, and Clay 37; as no one had a majority, the decision was
made by the House of Representatives, which was confined
in its choice to the three candidates who had received the
largest number of votes. Clay, who was speaker of the House
of Representatives, and had for years assumed a censorious
attitude toward Jackson, cast his influence for Adams and
thereby secured his election on the first ballot. A few days
later Adams offered Clay the secretaryship of state, which was
accepted. The wholly unjust and baseless charge of ``bargain and
corruption'' followed, and the feud thus created between Adams
and Jackson greatly influenced the history of the United States.
Up to this point Adams's career had been almost uniformly
successful, but his presidency (1825--1829) was in most
respects a failure, owing to the virulent opposition of
the Jacksonians; in 1828 Jackson was elected president over
Adams. It was during his administration that irreconcilable
differences developed between the followers of Adams and the
followers of Jackson, the former becoming known as the National
Republicans, who with the Anti-Masons were the precursors
of the Whigs. In 1829 Adams retired to private life in the
town of Quincy; but only for a brief period, for in 1830,
largely by Anti-Masonic votes, he was elected a member of the
national House of Representatives. On its being suggested
to him that his acceptance of this position would degrade an
ex-president, Adams replied that no person could be degraded
by serving the people as a representative in congress or, he
added, as a selectman of his town. His service in congress
from 1831 until his death is, in some respects, the most
noteworthy part of his career. Throughout he was conspicuous
as an opponent of the extension of slavery, though he was
never technically an abolitionist, and in particular he was
the champion in the House of Representatives of the right
of petition at a time when, through the influence of the
Southern members, this right was, in practice, denied by that
body. His prolonged fight for the repeal of the so-called
``Gag Laws'' is one of the most dramatic contests in the
history of congress. The agitation for the abolition of
slavery, which really began in earnest with the establishment
of the Liberator by William Lloyd Garrison in 1831, soon led
to the sending of innumerable petitions to congress for the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, over which
the Federal government had jurisdiction, and for other action
by congress with respect to that institution. These petitions
were generally sent to Adams for presentation. They aroused
the anger of the proslavery members of congress, who, in
1836, brought about the passage of the first ``Gag Rule,'' the
Pinckney Resolution, presented by Henry L. Pinckney, of South
Carolina. It provided that all petitions relating to slavery
should be laid on the table without being referred to committee
or printed; and, in substance, this resolution was re-adopted
at the beginning of each of the immediately succeeding
sessions of congress, the Patton Resolution being adopted in
1837, the Atherton Resolution, or ``Atherton Gag,'' in 1838,
and the Twenty-first Rule in 1840 and subsequently until
repealed. Adams contended that these ``Gag Rules'' were
a direct violation of the First Amendment to the Federal
Constitution, and refused to be silenced on the question,
